The syntax of sentence-final particles (SFPs) in Cantonese presents a complex area of study in generative linguistics. This thesis examines the syntactic properties and functions of the Cantonese SFPs ending in -e and -aa rimes. In the generative tradition, SFPs are often analyzed in terms of their functional properties within the phrase structure and their interaction with other syntactic elements. This thesis addresses the question of how these particles can be systematically categorized and understood within the cartographic framework.

Specifically, I investigate the distinction and potential unification of SFPs with -e and -aa rimes. This distinction presupposes that the rime of the particles are meaning-contributive and hence the SFPs of the -aa rime can be treated as a derivation...[ Read more ]

The syntax of sentence-final particles (SFPs) in Cantonese presents a complex area of study in generative linguistics. This thesis examines the syntactic properties and functions of the Cantonese SFPs ending in -e and -aa rimes. In the generative tradition, SFPs are often analyzed in terms of their functional properties within the phrase structure and their interaction with other syntactic elements. This thesis addresses the question of how these particles can be systematically categorized and understood within the cartographic framework.

Specifically, I investigate the distinction and potential unification of SFPs with -e and -aa rimes. This distinction presupposes that the rime of the particles are meaning-contributive and hence the SFPs of the -aa rime can be treated as a derivation of the SFPs with -e rime. The goal of this thesis is to demonstrate that this assumption may be overly simplistic. Through theoretical analysis and linguistic tests, I propose a refined hierarchy for these SFPs that accounts for their syntactic behavior and scope-taking properties.

In particular, I show (i) that SFPs in Cantonese can be systematically categorized based on their interaction with boundary tones within the syntactic hierarchy, and (ii) that the meanings and functions of these particles can be better understood through a synthetic analysis that considers both their phonological and syntactic features. I further argue, with evidence from co-occurrence tests and scope analysis, that the distinction between -e and -aa rime SFPs is more nuanced than previously thought.

These observations lead to the conclusion that the syntactic behavior of Cantonese SFPs cannot be fully explained by a simple rime-based distinction. Instead, a more comprehensive approach that integrates phonological, syntactic, and semantic factors is necessary. This thesis represents a step toward a unified theory of Cantonese SFPs within the broader context of syntactic theory.